The Soviets were born in Nghe Tinh.

On May 1, 1930, responding to the Party's call and joining the fighting spirit of the people of the whole country, the Central Region Party Committee organized a demonstration of Nghe An workers and farmers in Vinh with the participation of about 1,200 farmers from suburban villages in coordination with hundreds of workers in the inner city.

The demonstrators marched through the city, waving the red hammer and sickle flag, singing the Internationale and shouting slogans demanding tax reduction, wage increase, and shorter working hours... From Vinh, the demonstrators marched to Ben Thuy, aiming to attract more workers there. The colonial government immediately ordered the police and secret police to use force to disperse the demonstration. They fired directly at the crowd, killing 6 people and injuring 18 others. Thus, in the very first struggle in Nghe Tinh, a bloody conflict broke out between the revolutionary masses and the colonial police.

Also on that day, over 100 students of the French-Vietnamese Thanh Chuong Primary School organized a rally and parade to celebrate International Labor Day in the district town. At the same time, a large demonstration of over 3,000 farmers from Hanh Lam, La Mac, and Duc Nhuan villages took place to reclaim the land that the French colonialists had allowed Nguyen Truong Vien (Ky Vien) to seize. Frightened by the strength of the masses' struggle, Ky Vien went into hiding. The group of farmers immediately rushed in and burned down his entire plantation and house. Two days later, the colonial government sent a group of soldiers in green uniforms to Hanh Lam to investigate and "suppress the communist rebellion". More than 1,500 farmers again surrounded the group of soldiers, protesting the colonial government's repressive measures. The group of soldiers opened fire on the protesters, killing 18 people and injuring 17 others.

The struggles on International Labor Day ended in bloody conflicts, making the atmosphere of the struggle of the masses in Nghe Tinh rise up fiercely. The Central Region Party Committee decided to take advantage of that momentum to push the movement to a higher level. The newspaper Nguoi lao kho, the propaganda agency of the Central Region Party Committee, published on May 2, 1930, stated: "The struggle in An Nam has reached a decisive day" and called on workers, farmers and people of all walks of life to follow the example of the struggles in Ben Thuy and Thanh Chuong and continue to stand up and fight. During the remaining weeks of May 1930, workers in match factories, sawmills, SIFA, Truong Thi train repair factory... in Vinh and Ben Thuy continuously went on strike. On June 27, 1930, the Red Union in Vinh organized a general strike of more than 1,000 workers from many factories in Vinh demanding higher wages and reduced working hours.

In order to push the peasant movement to a new level, the Central Committee of the Central Region decided to send a series of Party cadres and Red Trade Union cadres to reinforce the Party and Red Peasant Association bases in the districts, mobilizing the masses to rise up in struggle. On June 1, 1930, more than 3,000 Thanh Chuong peasants demonstrated again to demand tax deferral, abolishment of the patrol duty, and compensation for those who died and were injured in May...

The protesters marched through the district office, then held a rally at Ro market. Fearing the power of the masses, the Thanh Chuong District Chief had to go to Ro market to receive the petition and promised to submit it to his superiors. The next day, more than 2,000 farmers from Anh Son and Nghi Loc also demonstrated in front of the district office demanding tax deferral, and the district chiefs there had to give in. On June 18, about 600 farmers from Nam Dan demonstrated and then held a rally at Don market. The Nam Dan District Chief attempted to flee, but was caught by the people and forced to accept the petition of the masses.

The Central Party Committee and provincial party committees made great efforts to direct local party, trade union and farmer association bases to mobilize the masses, preparing for a new, more fierce struggle. On August 30, 1930, under the leadership of grassroots party cadres, more than 3,000 Nam Dan farmers demonstrated, held rallies at many locations, then marched to Sa Nam town to destroy the Fontaine liquor agency, stormed the district office, burned all files and papers, broke into prisons, and released prisoners. Nam Dan district chief Le Khac Tuong was forced to meet the masses and sign and stamp the petition with the commitment: "Nam Dan district chief from now on must not harass the people." After that, the protest group spread to the communes and villages to burn down guard posts, and suppress the local officials and village chiefs.

On September 1, 1930, a huge peasant demonstration broke out in Thanh Chuong district with about 20,000 participants. To stop the demonstration, Thanh Chuong district chief Phan Sy Bang ordered soldiers to shoot at the people, killing one person. Immediately, the crowd rushed up like a broken dam, the district chief and soldiers hastily fled. The crowd stormed and occupied the district office, completely burning down the public office and Phan Sy Bang's private residence.

After the demonstrations on August 30 and September 1, the colonial government in the two districts of Nam Dan and Thanh Chuong collapsed or was completely paralyzed. In a special issue of September 6, 1930, the newspaper Nguoi Lao Kho reported: "In Thanh Chuong and Nam Dan, no one paid market taxes and no one dared to collect them. No one patrolled, no soldiers returned to guard. Imperialism arrested and persecuted, no one enforced them. The brothers forgave the national criminals, and divided the Ky Vien plantation and the land of the landlord class to the poor peasants. The brothers were free to form associations and demonstrate. Thus, the imperialist laws were shattered."

In the situation where the colonial government in rural Nghe An disintegrated, despite no prior preparation, the Executive Committee of the Red Peasant Association in the villages (called Xa Bo Nong) had to take on administrative and self-governing functions in the countryside. This was the moment that marked the birth of the first revolutionary government in Vietnam.

In coordination with the peasant movement, on September 1, 1930, the Red General Union of Vinh City launched a general strike with the participation of thousands of workers in several factories. Leaflets from the Central Region Party Committee and the Nghe An Provincial Party Committee appeared everywhere calling on the people to rise up and follow the example of the Thanh Chuong and Nam Dan peasants. Like a chain reaction, the strong struggle of the masses completely disintegrated the colonial-feudal grassroots government in most of the districts along the two banks of the Ca River (Anh Son, Do Luong, Nghi Loc, Hung Nguyen), spreading to the highlands (Mon Son, Luc Da in Con Cuong district).

On September 8, 1930, more than 7,000 farmers from Anh Son district protested and marched to the district office to make demands. The French colonialists sent planes to bomb the protestors twice, killing 9 people and injuring many others. Soldiers from Do Luong garrison were also ordered to fire on the protestors, killing several people. The protestors had to disperse, but on the evening of September 10, after holding a memorial service for those killed, the people spread out to punish the canton chief and local village chiefs. The colonial government in the villages throughout Anh Son district was paralyzed and disintegrated piece by piece.

In Hung Nguyen district, on September 12, 1930, more than 8,000 farmers gathered under the Party flag, armed themselves with sticks, sickles, shoulder poles, machetes, beating drums, and marching down to occupy Yen Xuan train station, blocking trains, holding rallies and speeches, then marching back to the district capital. When the protesters reached Thai Lao, the French colonialists sent two planes to bomb and open fire on the people, and at the same time ordered soldiers to rush out and use weapons to disperse the protest. In the afternoon, when the people came to bury the dead, the French colonialists sent planes to bomb again, killing more people, bringing the total number of people killed on September 12 in Hung Nguyen to 217. Another 125 people were injured, many others were arrested, 277 houses were burned down, and the two villages of Loc Chau and Loc Hai were completely destroyed. This was the most brutally suppressed mass demonstration by French colonialists in their entire colonial history in Asia and Africa.

The more brutally the French colonialists suppressed, the stronger the struggle movement of the people of Nghe An rose. Throughout September and October 1930, the whole province was shaken by dozens of mass meetings and demonstrations every day. Also from the beginning of September, the mass demonstration movement spread strongly to Ha Tinh. On September 7, more than 1,000 Can Loc farmers brought sticks, spears, drums, trumpets, and gongs to protest and attack and occupy the district office, burn all documents, and free political prisoners. The next day, mass demonstrations broke out in all districts of Ha Tinh. Although the movement here broke out later, it was very fierce from the beginning. Everywhere, people protested, occupied district capitals, punished local officials, and drove out soldiers. Within just a few weeks, the colonial-feudal government in rural Ha Tinh seemed to have completely collapsed.

The Cong Luan newspaper described the situation in Nghe Tinh at the end of September 1930 as follows: "In the villages, the village chiefs and the canton chiefs no longer had any power, and could no longer control their lives and property." In a report sent to France, Governor-General of Indochina Robin reported in more detail: "They were completely powerless, unable to do anything to prevent the expansion of the movement. The local authorities at all levels in the province were paralyzed, unable to name any leader, unable to rely on any assistance from the canton and commune authorities, giving people the feeling that they had lost all authority over the people they ruled. Fear paralyzed the mandarins, who locked their gates, hid in their houses and only cared about defending themselves. Every time the district chiefs and district chiefs went on patrol with the army or the native soldiers, they went with their bodies and limbs trembling."

Although there was no plan and no preparation for seizing power, when the colonial-feudal government in rural Nghe Tinh disintegrated and was paralyzed by the strong pressure of the masses, the Red Farmers' Association in the villages (Xa bo nong, in some places called Ban xa hoi) took on the management and operation functions as a real revolutionary government.

Economically, the Commune Department of Agriculture redistributed public land, money, and public rice to the peasants, and stopped paying taxes to the colonial government. Thousands of hectares of public land that had been illegally occupied by the local mandarins were confiscated and redistributed to the villagers. The Commune Department of Agriculture also forced the mandarins to return to the villagers the tax money they had collected, forced creditors to postpone debts, and forced landowners to reduce rent by 25% to 30%. The revolutionary government also paid great attention to consolidating the irrigation system, organizing dam construction, digging ditches, and pumping water to fight drought. In some "red villages", such as Thuong Tho village (Thanh Chuong, Nghe An) and Phu Viet (Cam Xuyen, Ha Tinh), the Commune Department of Agriculture took public land to organize collective production for farmers in the form of cooperatives: common plowing, harvesting, and distribution according to working days, with public funds allocated for common purposes. Some other places consolidated and established more plowing, planting, and roofing wards to support each other in daily life.

Politically, the colonial-feudal government collapsed. The Xa Bo Nong government declared to abolish not only the laws of the colonial state and the Southern Dynasty, but also the laws and customs in the countryside. For the first time in history, the entire traditional political institution along with the hierarchy and many discriminations were abolished and replaced by a new socio-political order created by the masses and wholeheartedly supported by the people. The revolutionary government implemented measures to ensure freedom, democracy and equality for the villagers, such as freedom to go to school, gender equality in marriage and in all social and family affairs. Red self-defense teams were established to suppress counter-revolutionaries and protect security in the villages. At the same time, the Xa Bo Nong government also stood up to reconcile or judge conflicts and lawsuits in the village.

The field of work that the Commune Agriculture Committee and the Party organizations in rural Nghe Tinh pay special attention to is to strengthen propaganda, raise political awareness for the masses, and at the same time develop revolutionary forces. During the day, in addition to reorganizing production activities, the peasant masses are mobilized to participate in dozens of rallies and demonstrations. In the evening, villagers gather at the village communal house to listen to Party and Commune Agriculture Committee cadres read newspapers and explain the policies of the new government now called the Soviet or the Socialist. The vast majority of villagers are mobilized and encouraged to participate in revolutionary organizations and associations such as the Red Peasant Association, the Women's Liberation Association, the Communist Youth, etc. The Red Peasant Association is the organization with the largest number of voluntary participation from villagers. A source of information says: "To organize a farmers' association, all you have to do is beat the communal house drum and invite the villagers to attend. The mobilization committee reads and explains the regulations. Any villagers who agree just raise their hands to join. Then, in a moment, the farmers' association is established and the executive committee gets to work right away."

In favorable conditions, when the revolutionary movement reached its peak, the revolutionary forces also developed very rapidly. In early 1930, in Nghe Tinh, the Communist Party of Vietnam had only about 300 members and about 1,000 people organized in the Red Trade Union and the Red Peasant Association. By the end of 1930, the Nghe An Party Committee alone had 188 branches with 2,011 members. The Red Peasant Association alone attracted 48,484 members, and the Red Trade Union had 399 participants. In addition, the Communist Youth Union had 2,356 members, and the Women's Liberation Association had 8,648 members.

In terms of culture, the revolution really brought a new, healthier, more progressive life in the "red villages". Many bad customs that had existed for thousands of years in the villages were abolished. Even social evils such as theft, opium smoking, gambling, fortune telling, ghost worship, flesh-eating, festivals, etc. were abolished or automatically disappeared. Weddings, death anniversaries, funerals and even Tet were organized in a new, simple, less costly and less troublesome way. The Women's Association established maternity groups to help each other during childbirth. Especially in the "red villages", the Commune Department of Agriculture organized many free classes to learn the national language for the villagers. The atmosphere in the villages with revolutionary governments was excited, enthusiastic, joyful and full of confidence to the point of romanticism: "A common noun at that time was the word "society". Many people forgot about work, believing that the revolution was about to succeed, everything would belong to society"...