Soviet mark in the golden history of the nation

In the book "Nghe Tinh Soviet" of the Party History Research Subcommittee - Nghe An Provincial Party Committee and a system of important documents of the Nghe An Department of Culture & Sports, the Nghe Tinh Soviet Museum presented in depth the historical significance of the Nghe Tinh Soviet movement.

In which, the 6 most typical meanings of the climax emerge as follows:

1 - This was the first revolutionary movement of the workers and peasants right after the Communist Party of Vietnam was born. This movement was the result of a revolutionary process from the 1920s, the process of preparing for the founding of the Communist Party. It opened a new revolutionary stage, qualitatively different from before.

If we compare it with the previous patriotic movements, we see that the revolutionary high tide of 1930 - 1931, which culminated in the Nghe Tinh Soviet, was completely different in nature, level, purpose, role, task, class consciousness, and also in the method of struggle and form of the struggle. It concentrated quite a lot of the characteristics of the forms of revolutionary movements under the revolutionary leadership of the Communist Party from 1930 onwards. It marked a fundamental shift from the spontaneous struggle to the conscious struggle of the Vietnamese workers' movement.

Nghe Tinh SovietIt eloquently demonstrated the revolutionary and profound mass character that no patriotic movement had been able to compare to in the nearly century since the French colonialists imposed their domination on our entire country. As a true revolution, the Nghe Tinh Soviet was completely different from the riots that were only plotted by the leaders and carried out purely by military means, without the participation of the working masses.

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"The Nghe Tinh movement in September last year was a big step in the revolutionary path. This movement was an enlightened, organized movement, led by the Communist Party and revolutionary organizations. This movement had a deep foundation among the peasants, and had a clear mass and class character: tens of thousands of people attacked imperialism, feudalism, capitalism, and landlords, hundreds of thousands of people joined the struggle and fought, making the rulers and rulers lose their souls, and it could not be suppressed as quickly as the Yen Bai riot. This movement was a big step in the anti-imperialist and anti-land movement, and had a huge influence in the history of Indochina's liberation."

"Proletariat" newspaper (France) October 1931 issue

The Nghe Tinh Soviet affirmed, in reality, the leadership and revolutionary leadership capacity of the working class and its vanguard Party.

In Vietnam, the feudal class had long since ceased its historical role, so although the feudal class had progressive literati and local leaders who led uprisings against the French, they ultimately failed. As for the bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, and intellectuals, their complete inability to lead the national liberation revolution was revealed with the rapid failure of the Yen Bai uprising (February 1930). Only the Communist Party of Vietnam, immediately after its birth, launched an unprecedentedly strong revolutionary movement of the masses. From here, the proletariat and its vanguard party took sole leadership of the Vietnamese revolution, raising high the two banners of national independence and socialism, bringing the Vietnamese revolutionary boat into the middle of the current of the times.

2 - The Nghe Tinh Soviet was the first general rehearsal of the people's national democratic revolution in Vietnam. The Nghe Tinh Soviet is an immortal heroic epic in the first chapter of the "golden history" of the Communist Party of Vietnam; it is one of the most typical pages of the eternal heroic spirit of the Vietnamese people.

It is called a "general rehearsal" because through this climax, a series of basic issues regarding strategic lines and revolutionary methods were tested and brought useful experiences for the following revolutionary process.

According to Academician Nguyen Khanh Toan in the book "Some lessons about the Nghe Tinh Soviet" wrote:

"More than the Paris Commune to the French Revolution, more than the Guangzhou Commune to the Chinese Revolution, the Nghe Tinh Soviet had special importance to the Vietnamese revolution.

Paris Communesignaled a new period in world history. It enriched, illuminated and concretized a number of issues of scientific socialism, such as the theory and practice of the proletarian revolution, the theory and practice of the dictatorship of the proletariat. However, it did not directly impact the revolution in France or in Europe at that time, because between the Paris Commune and the period when the proletariat directly and successfully attacked capitalism, there was a period of half a century. During that time, opportunism and reformism of the leaders of the second international prevailed in the workers' movement in Europe. The Guangzhou Commune was a defensive battle (combat dérrière garde) of the entire revolutionary period from 1923 to 1927, but after that, the Chinese revolution switched to a new strategy: developing the land revolution, establishing guerrilla bases and building a Soviet government.

The Nghe Tinh Soviet had a special importance for the Vietnamese revolution in the sense that it had a direct and comprehensive influence on the later stages of the Vietnamese revolution. After 1930 - 1931, the Vietnamese revolution developed in the direction thatrevolutionary climax 1930 - 1931in general and the Nghe Tinh Soviet in particular have outlined the general outlines. The reason for this is because the Nghe Tinh Soviet developed as the highest point of the revolutionary movement of 1930 - 1931, when the Vietnamese working class had won the right to lead the revolution, when in Vietnam the basic factor of the revolution was realized, which was the alliance between workers and peasants. At the same time, because the Nghe Tinh Soviet was the highest point of the revolutionary movement of 1930 - 1931, it was like a mirror reflecting quite clearly the strengths as well as the weaknesses of the movement.

Historical facts prove that, although it was drowned in a sea of ​​blood by the imperialists, the Nghe Tinh Soviet had a huge and profound influence on the development of the Vietnamese revolution. Like a large old tree, although its top was cut off, its roots had grown deep into the ground, spread everywhere and would sprout when conditions were suitable.

The fierce struggle in the revolutionary climax of 1930 - 1931 and the Nghe Tinh Soviets demonstrated the irreconcilable resentment of Vietnamese workers and peasants towards French imperialism and feudalism of the Southern Dynasty; the unparalleled bravery, the immortal heroic spirit of the workers and peasants who dared to "seek the sky". Striking directly at the foundation and ruling structure of imperialism and feudalism, the Nghe Tinh Soviets demonstrated a very high sense of national awareness, class awareness, and the radical revolutionary spirit of the workers and peasants. The Nghe Tinh Soviets have worthily inherited and highly promoted the heroic tradition of fighting against invaders to defend the country of our ancestors for generations.

3 - The greatest victory of our Party in the revolutionary movement of 1930-1931, which culminated in the Nghe Tinh Soviet, was the building of a solid worker-peasant alliance. The Nghe Tinh Soviet strongly encouraged our people, mainly workers and peasants, to make them see themselves as capable of overthrowing the domination of imperialism and feudalism and building a new society.

Right from the first days of the climax, there was a harmonious combination between the workers' movement and the peasants' movement. There were demonstrations (like the demonstration in Vinh - Ben Thuy on May 1, 1930) where the hammer and sickle were paired, raised high in the blazing revolutionary spirit of the masses. For the first time, workers and peasants joined hands in the middle of the battle.

The Nghe Tinh Soviet was formed in the countryside, and could also be called the "Peasant Soviet", but without the leadership of the working class through its vanguard, there would of course be no Nghe Tinh Soviet. The leadership of the Party is the most necessary alliance for the peasant class and for the very existence of the Party. It can be said that the Nghe Tinh Soviet was a product of the worker-peasant alliance under the leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam.

Through the Nghe Tinh Soviets, especially through the struggles of Vinh - Ben Thuy workers and their support for the peasant struggles, the peasant class clearly recognized the working class as its most sincere friend, clearly saw the Communist Party as the most resolute revolutionary organization in fighting against imperialist and feudal oppression and exploitation, bringing freedom and democracy to the working masses.

Building a strong worker-peasant alliance is the most important factor to maintain the Communist Party of Vietnam's monopoly on leadership of the Vietnamese revolution.

In Vietnam, for a long time, Confucianism (Khong Mencius) has been deeply ingrained in the subconscious of many generations, making the working people very self-conscious about their status and fate as slaves. Under the light of Marxism-Leninism, under the leadership of the Party, the masses of workers and peasants have awakened to class consciousness, clearly seen the origin of poverty and awakened to their historical mission. The Nghe Tinh Soviet has brought them legitimate pride and firm confidence in their own great strength.

In the two provinces of Nghe An and Ha Tinh, the revolutionary masses had a great innovation in taking over the village and commune governments once the local rulers had disintegrated or were paralyzed. The Nghe Tinh Soviet government was formed beyond the subjective plans of the party committees at all levels, but it was very necessary for the masses to take over the disintegrated enemy government, because society could not go a day without a government. History had entrusted the masses to take over the government in sudden situations, and the masses naturally accomplished that great task, even though they had never known how to organize a government before. The Nghe Tinh Soviet created a method of seizing rural government mainly by the political force of the masses in the absence of imperialist war or civil war between ruling groups in a country with a small land area and a small population.

The Nghe Tinh Soviet is a model of a future society, free, equal, without exploitation of man by man as it existed in the Soviet Union. By building the Soviet government within the colonial-feudal regime, the masses of workers and peasants truly deserve to be the creators of history, the subjects of history.

The Nghe Tinh Soviet left a deep impression on the hearts of the people of the whole country. By bringing freedom and practical benefits to the masses such as dividing public land, abolishing taxes and backward customs, the Nghe Tinh Soviet made it clear to the masses that only by overthrowing the imperialists and their lackeys and exercising their right to mastery could they gain true freedom and happiness. Only a government of the people, by the people, could resolutely fight against colonialism and feudalism, could sweep away the harmful effects of colonialism and feudalism, and could ensure the vital interests of the vast working masses.

Bringing tangible benefits to the working masses is one of the main factors that determine the nature of the revolutionary government, a characteristic of the Nghe Tinh Soviet. The Paris Commune only existed for a short time (72 days) but it also brought some practical benefits to the working people. Therefore, Marx and Engels highly appreciated the historical significance of the Paris Commune.

Bringing tangible benefits to the working masses proves that this government is truly the people's government, representing the democracy of the working people, of the majority, completely different from bourgeois democracy which is the democracy of the minority, the exploiters.

4 - The Nghe Tinh Soviet was a unique phenomenon in the world national liberation movement. The influence of the Nghe Tinh Soviet not only resounded throughout the country but also shookinternational public opinion.

In world history, there have been several events of establishing Communes and Soviets: Paris Commune (March 1871), Russian Soviet (1905), Bavarian Soviet in Germany (1919), Hungarian Soviet (March 1919). Guangzhou Commune in China (December 1927), Java Sumatora Soviet in Indonesia (1926 - 1927).

The above mentioned Communes and Soviets mostly appeared in capitalist or semi-colonial countries and were all workers' Soviets or mainly urban workers (and soldiers like in Hungary). Only the Nghe Tinh Soviet appeared in a semi-feudal colonial country and in a rural area far from the city. Some documents call it "Peasant Soviet" for that reason. Could this be the starting point for the national liberation movement, following the new trend on a worldwide scale? It can be said so, because, clearly, before that, no colonial country had ever raised a national democratic revolutionary movement as deep and broad as in our Vietnam. And no place had won local power for quite a long time like the Nghe Tinh Soviet.

The Nghe Tinh Soviet was like a bridge connecting the Vietnamese revolution with the international revolutionary movement.

At the end of the 20th century, in Europe, the workers' movement rose most strongly in Germany, France, Italy, England, and Spain. The national liberation movement in Asia, Africa, and Latin America also rose (China, India, Indonesia, Morocco, Algeria, etc.). The revolutionary climax of 1930-1931 in Vietnam was a coordinated operation in harmony with the international revolutionary movement. The Nghe Tinh Soviet was a new star appearing in the Eastern sky, signaling to progressive humanity that, from now on, the Vietnamese revolution would become an inseparable part of the international communist and workers' movement, and especially of the national liberation movement in the new era. That was a worthy contribution of the Vietnamese revolution to the general trend of the world revolutionary cause. The revolutionary climax of 1930 - 1931, culminating in the Nghe Tinh Soviet, was a contribution to the world revolutionary movement, not only in that it raised the indomitable will and spirit of a colonial nation, but also in that it outlined the path to liberation, making the nations with the same fate see their historical role, and have more confidence in their ability to create history.

With the Nghe Tinh Soviet, the Communist International considered Vietnam as the first of six typical cases in the continents of the colonial and dependent countries with a truly unique struggle process since the birth of the Communist International.

Even while the Nghe Tinh Soviet was still in existence, the 11th Conference of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (April 1931) recognized the Indochinese Communist Party as an independent branch under the Communist International.

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"The vibrant revolutionary movement in the Indochinese countries contributed to increasing communist influence in the colonies, especially the Eastern countries."

Excerpt from the letter of the Communist International sent to the executive committees of the Communist Parties (France, China, India) on February 27, 1931

5. With the revolutionary climax of 1930 - 1931, culminating in the Nghe Tinh Soviet, for the first time in our country, the peasant issue became an important content in the process of national liberation struggle; for the first time the anti-feudal issue was mentioned.

The anti-feudal nature of the Nghe Tinh Soviet had great significance. It was a milestone in the history of our people's struggle for national liberation, opening the period when anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism were closely linked together.

The Nghe Tinh Soviets reclaimed public land and distributed it to the peasants. Public land was the form of ownership left over from the period of rural communes. The feudalists took advantage of public land to exploit heavy taxes and gain priority in land for themselves. Therefore, under the feudalism, public land in communes and villages only retained the form of equal distribution of the primitive period, but in terms of content, it adapted to the class-based social system, aiming to serve the interests of the rulers, consolidating the land ownership system of the feudal bureaucratic state. In essence, the land of the village and commune became a part of the land ownership system of the state, which is why it was maintained by the feudal state to take advantage of it. However, objectively, once the public land system no longer existed, to a certain extent, its inherent equal principle was fought to the end by the people to protect.

As long as public land remains, farmers will continue to fight to protect their equal ownership rights and their practical interests. The reality in the rural areas of Nghe - Tinh has long proven this.

It was no coincidence that when the October Revolution succeeded in Russia, the next day Lenin immediately signed two decrees on peace and land. The land issue was one of the most fundamental factors that made the Nghe Tinh peasants rise up to fight strongly and keep the Soviets in existence for a period not as short as the Paris Commune or the Guangzhou Commune. Solving the land issue, abolishing taxes... was a key issue of the revolution in the colonies. Although the feudal landlord class's right to own land had not been announced, the division of public land, reduction of rent, cancellation of rent, debt cancellation... were very strong blows to the feudal exploitation regime in the countryside. Thus, besides the main national anti-imperialist nature, the Nghe Tinh Soviet clearly demonstrated its democratic and anti-feudal nature.

The greatness of the Nghe Tinh Soviet was that for the first time in Vietnamese history, the peasants saw that the Party of the working class not only saw the land issue as the key issue of the Vietnamese revolution but also made an effort to solve that issue.

Since the French colonialists invaded our country, anti-French movements and patriotic organizations have more or less relied on farmers, but no organization has clearly seen the importance of the land issue, and of course, it has not been able to solve the land issue. If we say that, from the beginning, our Party's policy was fundamentally correct, the Party built a worker-peasant alliance, then the Nghe Tinh Soviet, with its land policy, was a very important brick in the cause of building that policy and alliance. The great historical significance of the Nghe Tinh Soviet lies there.

6 - The revolutionary climax of 1930 - 1931, culminating in the Nghe Tinh Soviet, trained for our country's revolution a very large and steadfast team of cadres who passed fierce challenges in the eternal fight against the enemies of the class and the nation.

The revolutionary soldiers of the 1930-1931 period became the active nucleus of the 1936-1939 and 1939-1945 movements. The Nghe Tinh Soviet alone had a large contingent of cadres and masses: 183 Party cells with 2,011 Party members, 48,484 Farmers' Association members, 8,648 liberated women...

The revolutionary high tide of 1930 - 1931, which culminated in the Nghe Tinh Soviet, had the effect of educating ideology, enlightening revolution, training the spirit of steadfast struggle, and improving the political level of cadres, party members, and the masses. Nearly 2 years of the revolutionary high tide made the masses, cadres, and party members mature as quickly as the previous decades. It was a leap forward, a historical milestone of our people, marking the transformation from the tradition of patriotism according to the petty bourgeois and bourgeois stance to patriotism according to the working class stance.

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"The greatest achievement of the revolutionary high tide of 1930 - 1931, an achievement that the brutal White Terror of imperialism and feudalism that followed could not erase, was that it affirmed in practice the leadership and leadership capacity of the proletariat, and at the same time gave the masses of workers and peasants confidence in their own strength. That was the first victorious step of decisive significance for the entire subsequent development of the revolution. To put it bluntly, without the earth-shaking class battles of 1930 - 1931, in which workers and peasants exerted their extraordinary willpower, there could not have been the high tide of 1936 - 1939...".

Comrade Le Duan - Former General Secretary of the Party Central Committee