Leader Nguyen Ai Quoc and the Nghe - Tinh Soviet movement

Although it existed for only a short time, the Nghe-Tinh Soviet affirmed the strength of the worker-peasant masses, demonstrated the heroic spirit and revolutionary capacity of the Vietnamese working people, and contributed to training forces for the later victorious August Revolution. 90 years have passed, but the great value and significance of the Nghe-Tinh Soviet are still remembered as an important milestone in the Vietnamese revolutionary process.

Many people have raised the question: Why did the first revolutionary movement led by the Party break out in Nghe - Tinh (in Central Vietnam), the area of ​​operation of the Tan Viet Revolutionary Party, and not break out first in the South (or in Saigon) - where after its establishment (early 1930), the Communist Party of Vietnam placed its Central Office? Although, by the end of 1929, the Tan Viet Revolutionary Party had transformed into a communist organization (the Indochinese Communist League), one of the three predecessor organizations of the Communist Party of Vietnam. To understand clearly how the leadership role and revolutionary ideology of leader Nguyen Ai Quoc influenced the Nghe - Tinh Soviet Revolutionary Movement, it is necessary to study the transformation of the revolutionary line, organizational structure and methods of the Tan Viet Revolutionary Party (ie the Indochinese Communist League).

Looking back at the revolutionary history from 1925 to 1930, when leader Nguyen Ai Quoc founded the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association (1925) in Guangzhou (China); organized training classes for revolutionary cadres, it was also the time of founding the Phuc Viet Association (July 14, 1925). The Phuc Viet Association later changed to Hung Nam, the predecessor of the Tan Viet Revolutionary Party, founded by a number of patriotic scholars and intellectuals (1) in Vinh (Nghe An) (2). Looking at the Association's Action Program drafted by Tran Mong Bach (ie Tran Dinh Thanh), approved at the conference, it included 10 points, some of which were very vague. For example, when talking about the Association's tasks and purposes, the Program wrote:

“1. The Hung Nam Party has the duty to take care of the independence of Indochina by preparing a peaceful revolution.

2. Once independence is achieved, Indochina will establish a government based on republican principles and will only adopt communism when it is implemented in the great powers.

3. To achieve that goal, first of all, the Hung Nam Party must take care of the moral, intellectual and economic revival of Indochina" (3).

With such content, when evaluating this organization, the Indochina Secret Service, directly the Acting Director of the Political and Integrity Department Louis Marty, seemed to be disdainful. He believed that, through the introduction of the objectives and goals, it proved: "Those revolutionaries knew nothing about the situation in Indochina. They also could not draft an action program suitable to the situation" (4). Of course, the Chief of Indochina Secret Service could never objectively and sympathetically comment on a Vietnamese revolutionary organization. However, it must be admitted that, in terms of revolutionary awareness and political level, the key figures of Phuc Viet at that time were still immature and naive. The leaders of the Association clearly did not know how to gain independence for the country. Because carrying out a revolution to liberate the nation from colonial oppression, but giving the first task of "reviving morality, intelligence and economy", it would be difficult to succeed. The leaders of the Association themselves were also aware of this deadlock, so the Board of Directors sent comrade Le Duy Diem to China to contact the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association.

In early 1926, comrade Le Duy Diem went to Guangzhou (China), contacted comrade Ho Tung Mau (from Quynh Luu, Nghe An) and was admitted to the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association. After that, he participated in a training program directly taught by leader Nguyen Ai Quoc.

In the summer of 1926, after completing the cadre training program, comrade Le Duy Diem returned to the country to meet the leadership of the Hung Nam Association, presented them with the program, regulations and training materials of the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association, and at the same time presented the opinion of the Youth (ie the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association) to propose merging Hung Nam with the Youth and sending cadres to Guangzhou for training. Although not completely agreeing with the opinions of the Youth, the leadership of Hung Nam also acknowledged the progress of the Youth. Therefore, the leaders of Hung Nam held a conference and decided to apply the organizational model of the Youth, establish the Northern, Central and Southern regions. The leadership of the Association agreed to send a delegation of cadres led by comrade Tran Phu to China (5), continue to discuss with the Youth organization to attend the cadre training class, and at the same time discuss the issue of unification. To have an official name when negotiating with the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association, the Hung Nam Association changed its name to the Vietnam Revolutionary Party.

In July 1926, after arriving in Guangzhou and attending a training course taught by leader Nguyen Ai Quoc, comrade Tran Phu quickly absorbed the basic theories of Marxism-Leninism and the proletarian revolutionary line. At the end of 1926, comrade Le Duy Diem and comrade Tran Phu returned to the country. In Vinh city, comrade Tran Phu met Tran Dinh Thanh to discuss the merger of Hung Nam organization with the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Association and made a plan to send more young people to continue to attend training. The two reached an agreement in principle with the Hung Nam Association's leadership and urgently promoted the merger plan. However, the merger plan failed.

Although the goal of unifying the two revolutionary organizations was not achieved (due to many disagreements), it can be said that the cadres of the Hung Nam Association were fundamentally "Youthified" in revolutionary theory, following the proletarian revolutionary line; in organizational structure, revolutionary mobilization methods... Therefore, the subsequent development process of the Vietnam Revolutionary Party (later changed to Tan Viet Revolutionary Party) followed the exact model of the Youth, even though it had a different name.

Specifically, in terms of principles and purposes, the Vietnam Revolutionary Party follows the principles and purposes of the Youth brought back from China by comrade Le Duy Diem and comrade Tran Phu, stating: “Unite comrades inside and outside the country, lead the workers, peasants and soldiers at home, and contact oppressed peoples abroad to overthrow imperialism and build an equal and fraternal society; carry out political revolution to overthrow the government and monarchy and establish a socialist republican government; carry out social revolution to abolish classes; and economic revolution to maintain the right to life of all people” (6). In addition, the organizational forms from the General Department, to the Regional Departments, Provincial Departments,... to the sub-groups, are all applied in the same way as the Youth organization.

It can be said that the Tan Viet Revolutionary Party transformed from a patriotic organization into a communist organization. That was the result of the revolutionary movement, the dissemination and acceptance of Marxism-Leninism into the patriotic movement in Vietnam. At the end of 1929, the Tan Viet Revolutionary Party changed to the Indochina Communist League, one of the three predecessor organizations of the Communist Party of Vietnam. Although leader Nguyen Ai Quoc did not directly establish and lead Tan Viet, many cadres were directly taught by him, returned to Central Vietnam to work, and became talented revolutionary leaders such as: Tran Phu, Ha Huy Tap, Nguyen Thi Minh Khai, Phan Dang Luu... Moreover, all the revolutionary theoretical viewpoints of Marxism-Leninism drafted by Nguyen Ai Quoc were studied, researched and applied in the practice of the revolutionary movement in Central Vietnam. It can be said that the revolutionary ideology and guidelines initiated and disseminated by leader Nguyen Ai Quoc were transferred here very early. Therefore, it ignited the revolutionary fire in the people, encouraged and urged them to join the revolution, overthrow the colonial and feudal domination. That explains why the Central region, in which Nghe An - Ha Tinh provinces soon became the revolutionary center in the early 1930s.

When the revolutionary movement in the country (1930 - 1931), culminating in the Nghe - Tinh Soviet, broke out, leader Nguyen Ai Quoc was abroad (China). He did not direct the movement, but he always closely followed the movement's developments and understood the struggles of each locality of Nghe An - Ha Tinh. When talking about the protests of farmers in Nam Dan and Thanh Chuong, leader Nguyen Ai Quoc specifically described the content of the struggle: "During the protests, 3,000 farmers in Nam Dan surrounded the district magistrate's office, broke into the prison and freed the prisoners. In Thanh Chuong, 20,000 people participated in the farmers' protests" (7). In particular, when the colonial and feudal governments were preparing forces to suppress and terrorize the revolutionary movement, Nguyen Ai Quoc wrote the article: “Revolutionary Movement in Indochina”, in which he warned: “The French government in Indochina is urgently preparing a campaign of terror against Nghe An farmers in general and Thanh Chuong farmers in particular” (8). He called on revolutionary and progressive forces in the world to support the struggle movement of the Vietnamese people: “Workers and farmers all over the world! Brothers! Please help the workers and farmers of Indochina, who are fighting against French imperialism!” (9).

After the demonstrations and struggles of the people of Nghe-Tinh were bloodily suppressed by the French colonialists, leader Nguyen Ai Quoc denounced the brutal crimes of the colonial government: “The French imperialists terrorized the peasant movement with unprecedented ferocity. For example, in Nghe An, during just one demonstration in Hung Nguyen district, planes dropped bombs and killed 171 peasants. In Thanh Chuong (another district in Nghe An), 103 people were shot dead at once. In Nghe An province alone, 393 people were killed in 7 demonstrations, many red villages were destroyed and burned down” (10).

Faced with the enemy's white terror against the people of Nghe - Tinh, Nguyen Ai Quoc sent a letter to the representative of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (in Shanghai), stating: "The white terror is raging fiercely. Many peasants have been sacrificed, many Party cells have been broken, most of our comrades have been arrested and are facing serious difficulties" (11). He requested the Communist International and its affiliated organizations, fraternal Parties, and the working class of the world to pay more attention to the Vietnamese revolutionary movement, to provide spiritual and material assistance, to provide solid support for the struggle of the people of Indochina in general and the people of Nghe - Tinh in particular. Nguyen Ai Quoc wrote: "The urgent task of the world proletariat - especially the French proletariat - is to extend a hand of brotherly friendship and assistance to Indochina, to demonstrate their true and active solidarity, Indochina is oppressed and the revolution needs that!" (12). Specifically, he requested the Communist International: “Now it is necessary to help comrades from abroad; first of all we must: Issue an appeal to the international proletariat and the Indochinese masses. That appeal can encourage the masses and stabilize them” (13); and: “We urgently request that you do everything possible to help the victims of the bloody repression. Please let us know immediately what we must do and what you can do to help them through the International Red Relief Organization” (14).

In order to encourage and motivate the people of Nghe Tinh to maintain their revolutionary spirit, continue to fight, and not be afraid of the enemy's brutal terrorist acts and tricks of seduction, Nguyen Ai Quoc wrote the article Red Nghe Tinh, praising the heroic and resilient tradition of the people of Nghe Tinh: "Bombs, machine guns, burning houses, military posts,... propaganda from the government, the press... were all powerless to extinguish the revolutionary movement of Nghe - Tinh" (15). Regarding the revolutionary movement in the country, leader Nguyen Ai Quoc requested the Party Central Committee to launch a widespread struggle throughout the country, support the struggle movement of the people of Nghe Tinh and "share the fire" with Nghe Tinh. According to his opinion, the Party Central Committee issued a Communique to localities across the country, calling on workers, farmers, and soldiers to unite in the struggle to protect the workers and farmers of Nghe An with the slogan "Do not touch the workers and farmers of Nghe An" (16). Responding to the Party's call, a wave of struggle in support of the Nghe-Tinh Soviet broke out across the three regions of the North, Central and South, causing the enemy to be confused in how to respond, thereby somewhat "sharing the fire" with the people of Nghe-Tinh.

Along with condemning and denouncing the crimes of the French colonialists in their extremely brutal white terrorism against the people of Nghe Tinh; calling for support for the Nghe Tinh Soviet... leader Nguyen Ai Quoc sent a letter to the Party Central Committee, giving his opinion on the mistakes in the leadership work, especially the limitations of the Central Region Party Committee when it issued "leftist" and dogmatic slogans on identifying revolutionary targets (17). He requested that Party committees at all levels strengthen the work of Party building; develop revolutionary forces, especially develop mass organizations such as the Red Trade Unions, Red Peasant Associations...

Although it only existed for a short time, due to the fierce repression of the colonial government and many other objective and subjective reasons, the Nghe - Tinh Soviet Revolutionary Movement affirmed the strength of the worker-peasant masses; of the worker-peasant alliance under the leadership of the Party. Regarding this issue, Ho Chi Minh affirmed: "Right from its inception, the Party organized and led a powerful mass movement that had never existed before in our country - the Nghe - Tinh Soviet Movement in 1930" (18). The heroic spirit of sacrifice and the indomitable will of our people in the Nghe - Tinh Soviet Revolutionary Movement left extremely valuable lessons of success and failure for our Party. Assessing the significance and influence of the Nghe-Tinh Soviet Revolutionary Movement (1930-1931), in the celebration of the 30th anniversary of the Party's founding, President Ho Chi Minh wrote: "Although the French imperialists suppressed that movement in a sea of ​​blood, the Nghe-Tinh Soviet demonstrated the heroic spirit and revolutionary capacity of the Vietnamese working people. Although the movement failed, it trained the forces for the later victorious August Revolution" (19).

__________________

Article published in Political Theory Journal No. 10-2020

(1) The founding members of the Phuc Viet Association were literati, scholars, and intellectuals in the provinces of Nghe An, Ha Tinh, Thanh Hoa... including: Ngo Duc Ke, Le Van Huan, Tran Dinh Thanh (aka Tran Mong Bach), Ngo Duc Dien (younger brother of revolutionary Ngo Duc Ke), Dang Thai Thu (son of Dang Thuc Hua), Nguyen Si Sach, Tong That Cu, Le Duy Diem, Tran Phu, Tran Van Tang, Ton Quang Phiet, Dang Thai Thuyen (son of Dang Thai Than), Ha Huy Tap...

(2) The Phuc Viet Association was established on July 14, 1925; in 1926, it changed its name to Hung Nam; in early 1927, the Hung Nam Association changed its name to Vietnam Revolutionary Party; in July 1928, it changed its name to Tan Viet Revolutionary Party (abbreviated as Tan Viet); in December 1929, it changed its name to Indochina Communist Federation.

(3), (4) Louis Marty: Tan Viet Revolutionary Party, pp. 146, 142 (Translated document by Nguyen Ngoc Cu; Document collection of the Ho Chi Minh Institute and Party leaders, symbol: NC/19

(5) Led by comrade Le Duy Diem.

(6) Tran Huu Chuong: Some opinions on the Tan Viet Revolutionary Party and the Indochina Communist Federation (Document of the Central Party History Research Board, p.2. Stored at the Ho Chi Minh Institute and Party Leaders).

(7), (8), (9), (10), (11), (12), (13), (14), (15) Ho Chi Minh: Complete Works, vol. 3, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2011, pp. 55, 57, 57, 63, 84, 69, 84, 59, 81.

(16) Communist Party of Vietnam: Complete Party Documents, vol. 2, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2002, p. 59.

(17) During the Nghe - Tinh Soviet Movement, the slogan was put forward: "Intellectuals, Rich, Landlords, and Tyrants, uproot and eradicate."

(18), (19) Ho Chi Minh: Complete Works, vol. 12, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2011, pp. 407, 407-408.

Associate Professor, Dr. Tran Minh Truong

Institute of Ho Chi Minh and Party leaders,

Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics